There me asks don Mitxel – perhaps with something of reason - to stop speaking about what model of the state it does not cost me, and to try to define, in positive, what my model of the ideal state would be. I am going to try to do it. In short, I am a Jacobin posibilista. Namely I assume the federal state, since I realize of that Spain - except four decades of dictatorship, nape it has been the unitary state. Franco's model is the only one that we know, and he does not cost us.
So discarded the unitary state, I would accept pleasant a really federal system in which certain competitions were shared and were delegated in a federal administration, that not head office. It would be a good idea as well as to symbolize this not centralist federalidad the federal capital status it was shared between several cities, and that these cities were not a part of any of the federated entities, but administered by the federal government, as it happens in other federations. It is something symbolic, I know it, but the symbolic thing in politics – and especially in this part of the politics - is sometimes essential.
As for the competitions, which I insist, they would be shared between the federated, and not central entities of a government «ej-storeroom«, I believe that it would be necessary to share necessary education, health, social services, and social security, so that the federal state was guaranteeing the equality of access of all the citizens, live where they live, to the above mentioned services.
And I warn before one start shouting the "Antiej-paña", which when I say that I believe that the competitions in education have to belong to the federal state, I do not mean that the state has to dictate the contents of the education, which is this another matter that I believe that to define now is difficult, but the state must guarantee the public system, of quality, free, lay and free in the whole territory. As for the questions called national, which so much worry some in both senses, and to me not at all, so simply, common sense: all the languages of the state must be preserved and concubines, it is necessary to guarantee the one who them wants to learn that it could do it in any part of the state, and I do not also see problem in which any of the languages of the state is a transport language of the education there where beech demands, it is Seville or Bilbao. With common sense and rationality, this is easily asumible.
As for the fiscal politics, and there it is where I believe that it goes the problem can be, there must be the same in the whole territory, or rather, I believe that the federal state must guarantee a just, direct and progressive tax system that allows us to finance the whole welfare state. If once guaranteed this, the federated states want to add more taxes to the system, they are very free to do it. What would not be possible is the existence of territories that had proper tax systems, foreign to the federal one, or privileges in the taxes payment. I know that the matter is polemic, but it is necessary to bear in mind two things: one, that in general lines, to question the taxes is not of lefts, but of rights, and two that I am not speaking about the current Spain of the autonomies, but about the ideal federal state that don Mitxel asks me to propose. And it would be necessary to assume that just as the highest revenues would contribute more to the treasury, the richest states also would reach port more.
I am a specialist neither in administrative law, nor in constitutional law, nor in political systems. Simply I answer from the political point of view to a political question that they have done to me. I realize that I have spoken about the big things, and that many things remain in the inkwell, many competitions of soaked minor and transcendency that the previous ones, that I have not said what it would do with them. The true thing is that I do not even know it, I dare to venture it, but I know by intuition that so that all this was real and not a simple political fiction, it would be necessary that this state had a constituent process that was causing in none of the federated parts the suspicion neither towards the proper federal state nor towards the rest of the parts, a constituent process during which it would be established that it happens with all these competitions of major or minor political transcendency, and, to end, process constituent that was defining the political system by means of which the share-out of the political power would administer all this, that is to say. If this is done correctly, already it is not possible to speak about centralism.
To end, to point out that this model seems better to me the bigger is the territory to which it includes. For conjuncture reasons, I am speaking about the territory that today we know as Spain, which is a part of the Iberian peninsula, but it would cost me equally for Europe. In fact, if in Spain it is difficult to come to a really federal model precisely because the federation is the agreement between parts that decide to share certain prerogatives, and that would be necessary to simulate it, since these parts do not exist in fact, for not speaking about the resistances numantinas that would take place on the part of of the Spanish nationalistic right, in the European Union, it would be perfectly possible to initiate a really federal and democratic way to which it seems that we have resigned.
Since there it is had by you, don Mitxel. It touches him.
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